(All rights reserved. No part of this article may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of the author.)
Extended to Ms. Barbara Block 04 March, 2014, by permission of the author to ‘Dayang’s world.blogspot.com’.
Changing a person’s name, not once buy several times in his lifetime, can be said to be eccentric because that would mean tampering with official documents! The Kelabit community of Sarawak, however, happens to have such a unique practice as part of their tradition. It is a practice steeped in the ancestral values of the Kelabit community, which also demands a heavy financial outlay. Fortunately, the practice is kept within the confines of the community itself and would not necessitate the amending of any legal personal documents like birth certificates, identity cards, passports, etc.
Ulong Palang community meeting with eHomemakers ED Chong Sheau Ching, translator Florence Apu, and eHomemakers team members Brigette and Lilian. Nov 27 2012.
Coincidentally, this Kelabit tradition appears to share a common ground with the change in the name in the Christian Bible of Abram to Abraham when God said to him (Gcncsis 17.5): “No longer shall your name be Abram, but your name shall be Abraham; for I have made you the father of a multitude of nations”. Abram changed his name to Abraham upon being proclaimed by God as a FATHER OF NATIONS, while a Kelabit changes his/her name upon becoming a PARENT ON THE BIRTH OF HIS/HER FIRST CHILD and again upon becoming a GRANDPARENT ON THE BIRTH OF HIS/HER FIRST GRANDCHILD!
The tradition of name-changing to mark one’s elevation to parenthood entails ceremonies (IRAU) with elaborate preparations and parties of gargantuan magnitudes. Among the initial preparatory activities would be that the would-be-host, i.e. the person whose name has to be changed, would ensure that he has all the necessary material requirements ready in sufficient quantities. The principal material requirements include rice to be cooked to feed the multitude of guests as well as to make rice wine; pigs and/or buffaloes to be slaughtered and cooked to be served during meals; firewood in stacks upon stacks for the occasion; some items of value for gifts; and so on. Invitations to attend the big occasion would be sent out to both near and far away villages. Thus the total number of guests could be a few hundreds or even thousands, resulting in the huge financial outlay. Indeed, the ceremonies could cost the host quite a fortune! Such being the case, and because the economy of the earlier Kelabits was not cash-based, only those who have a ready supply of rice, pigs and/or buffaloes could fulfil the ceremonial requirements of the name-changing tradition. For this reason, the custom is now somewhat subdued or not encouraged.
When a Kelabit changes his name as an affirmation of his status of achieving parenthood, wither he takes on a name used by one of his ancestors or he takes up a completely new name. in wither of the two options, the name would be reflective of his status in the society or of his own life, e.g. his job, his rank, his achievements, etc. In other words, his new name is like an award of honour which the community has deemed appropriate for him accordingly. In tandem with the change of name for the host and his wife, others who could adopt new names would be grandparents, grand uncles and grand aunties who are most apt to do so as a show of filial love and unity within the circle of the extended family framework. The new name is chosen by his parents or elders (uncles and aunties) if the parents have passed on.
After the confinement of the new names, merry-making and revelry would follow and continue for several days thereafter, which explain the huge material outlay for such undertakings. In some of the more illustrious ceremonies, the host would request the guests to perform some kind of service for him. Among the items for requesting such service would be to cut out a gap (KAWANG) in a mountain ridge; cut out a trench (NABANG) on a mountain pass; perform some major works like constructing bunds in the rice field; and so on.
The changing of a person’s name according to Kelabit tradition can also take place for any one or a combination of the following reasons:
1. In commemoration of a feat of extreme individual prowess; and
2. If deemed necessary, as a means to evade evil spells in a person’s life.
Although not as demanding as the name-changing tradition observed upon achieving parenthood status, the second type of name-changing tradition was more mystical and ominous. This was because either it would take the form of an initiation ceremony or an instant pronouncement of a feat of extreme individual prowess.
An initiation ceremony would be undertaken when a boy is considered to have become an adolescent and could start to learn and perform all the things an adult male Kelabit was expected to be able to do. The boy concerned would be dressed and equipped as a warrior. With a sword tied around his waist and both shield and spear held in an attacking readiness, he would follow a mock path which would lead him to locate a mock opponent. The latter would consist of a dried skull of an earlier victim of the old practice of head hunting, placed atop a wooden pole hidden somewhere in the vicinity of the village. Upon finding his quarry, the “warrior” would attack the “enemy” in a tremendous demonstration of his fighting prowess amidst shouts and exclamations of intimidation at his “victim”, including shouting out (NEKIT) a new name for himself. In this way, therefore, he would be considered to have completed his initiation with great success! This last phase is supposed to be an enactment of what a real head hunter or warrior would actually do and, thereby, fulfill the requirements of the second type of mystical and ominous name-changing ceremony.
As for the third type of name-changing tradition, it is not a practice of the same significance as the first two. Before the advent of Christianity into the Kelabit society, the Kelabit system of values was governed by myriad of mystical and spiritual intricacies. For example, if a person was always suffering from boild, it was pertinent that he or she changes his or her name so that the demon of boils would not recognize the person under the new name. Today, this tradition has been abandoned altogether in preference to being under the protection of God Almighty against all the designs of the evil one.
Sinar Janet Nulun poses for a picture.
In conclusion, let us consider some of the negative and positive aspects of this “anachronistic” name-changing IRAU phenomenon.
1. Negatives
1.1. Not everyone can hold this type of IRAU because of its costly material outlay. In the old days, the Kelabit society was not cash based. Trade or product procurement was done either by product exchange or payment in kind. Therefore, the only way to be able to hold an IRAU was for the would-be-host to have had a really good recent harvest and to have been rearing the required number of pigs and/or buffaloes in advance. Usually, ten pigs of about 80 kilos each and/or two adult buffaloes would suffice for one IRAU. As for rice, a huge package of cooked rice (about 500 grams), wrapped in “ISIP” leaves, was served to each guest at every meal. If there were 1,500 guests, this demands a total of 750 kilograms of rice to be served at each meal. Kelabits eat three meals a day, in which rice is the main dish each time! Another substantial quantity of rice was used to prepare as many as up to 30 Chinese jars of rice wine (BURAK). Fortunately, there was another aspect of the IRAU which could somewhat lighten the burden; and this was called PEPEPAD. This means some sympathetic individuals, usually relatives, would contribute in kind which would have to be reciprocated when the time come for such donors to hold their own IRAUs;
Men helping out in the paddy field.
1.2. The second big negative aspect of the IRAY was that preparation efforts and time would end up down the drain. After a date had been selected on which to hold the IRAU, all preparations would go full swing. Invitations would be send to all the villages, both far and near. At home, firewood is collected and stacked outside the longhouse to dry in the sun so that they are combustible enough at the time they have to be used. The women folks would collect bundles and bundles of the leaves of the broad leaf plant called ISIP for packaging the cooked rice during the IRAU so that they are easy to hand out to the guests at meal times. Another major task for the women folks is to take out rice from the rice store to be dried and pounded in order to remove the husk. Kelabits did not have rice mills. They would have to do this over several days because of the vast quantity required. Sadly, at the end of a few days. Only rubbish and huge depletion in resources are the only things left; and
1.3. The ugliest of all aspects of the IRAU is when some people turn the occasion into a forum for comparing notes. The agent for this, of course, is the jars of rice wine! Once some people got too drunk, they would start to compare notes. For the men, this would usually start with disclosure of how many girls each of them have had for sleeping partners. In those bygone days, the Kelabits used to observe the practice of having sleeping partners of the opposite sex. This, as it were, would prove to be a test of integrity and trust for those concerned. In the case of the girls, they would disclose not only the number of men they had slept with but also put an emphasis on the social rank of their prizes! Somehow, the sessions of comparing notes would turn ugly after a time to the extent that some would exchange blows and/or wrestle each other. The end result would be for some necessary mediation between the protagonists and a hefty fine having to be paid. Sometime, such incidents would result in continued bad blood and feuds for a long time afterwards.
2. Positives
2.1. IRAUs can strengthen family cohesion. In preparing for the IRAU, members of the family (including extended family members) would be alerted to the need for total cooperation and would feel “compel” to contribute to the IRAU effort. This results in the practice of PEPEPAD, whereby a distant relative would donate substantially to the IRAU effort, which would have to be reciprocated when the time come for such donors to hold their own IRAUs. The biggest reason for the practice of PEPEPAD is to avoid, at all cost, any cause for ridicule (as can be expected in situation 1.3 above). This kind of gesture would create a sense of awe and respect by observers and outsiders alike for the family concern;
2.2. IRAUs also provide a place and time for renewing old acquaintances and meet new associates. In spite of their small number, the Kelabits were widely dispersed throughout the Kelabit Highlands. The situation is made even worse today with many youngsters going away to the outside world (of the Kelabit Highlands) to further their studies and/or take up jobs in the urban centres. It may be said, however, that the dispersions and long separations can be compensated in a way through the old days’ system of greetings. This system of greetings was so elaborate and refine that every Kelabit was so well informed of other Kelabits, even though they may be separated by being in a totally different river system, e.g. Sg. Debpur vs Sg. Kelapang; Long Lellang vs Long Seridan; etc. When there is an IRAU being held back home, they would come home and be able to renew old acquaintances and meet new associates;
2.3. IRAUs directly preserve our culture though practice and learning. IRAY MEKAA’ NGADAN, of course, is a purely Kelabit tradition. Besides, the preparations, the renewal of old acquaintances and founding of new ones, the eating and drinking during an IRAU MEKAA’ NGADAN, entertainment items of cultural significance, especially traditional dances, would also be presented. All of these additional activities would become important learning experience to the younger generations and, thus, would contribute to the survival of such cultural practices and the unique Kelabit identity or tradition; and
2.4. Believe it or not, I propose that IRAUs would be a strong contender as the preserver and protector of out more refined etiquettes such as respect for our leaders! In the modern environment of supposed equality and academic freedom, even those whose earlier families used to be just among the rank-and-file members of the longhouse society can pretend to be leaders in their own rights. I am not saying that they cannot claim such rights. But what has always been the complication is that everybody wants to be acknowledged as a leader. As the proverb goes in respect of Red Indians: “There are too many Chiefs than there are Red Indians!” Or there are too many leaders; but no followers. In our Kelabit society of today, we still have leaders, but only nominal at the most. The result is chaos in the social system and, consequently, our customs and traditional legal system. This did not have any leeway for happening in the strong era of IRAUs because of the ugliest of all aspects, namely when some people turned the occasion into a forum for comparing notes. Comparison of notes mean disclosing to the other person: How many pigs and/or buffaloes were slaughtered in one’s IRAU? How many times one had held IRAUs? Eventually, the session could turn into an opportunity to degrade the other person for not being able to fulfil such obligations. When somebody has clearly roundly been made to acknowledge his shortcomings in this way, there is no way he can challenge the position and authority of the “victor” in any forum thereafter. In other words, the pecking order has been established, accepted and respected.
Bucking Deer for Dinner
Gerawat's cutting the bucking deer he hunted earlier.
Originally compiled on 29 March 2007, by:
Musa Wan @ Garawat Nulun
@ Maran Tapan @ Udan Turun
.jpg)
.jpg)